esc Eccte
'3 fc •
THE NEGRO
WORKER
Vol. 3, F 6,
April 15, 1950
Contents
Payees
I, H. HAYWOOD - Forward to the London Conference of Negro
Toilers . . . I.
O
2. J.REED - Native Railwaymen* s Strike in East London,
South Africa ............... 3.
3. L. BURNS - Defend the Meerut Prisoners ....... 5.
4. From; "RUSSIA TODAY" - Religion under the Soviets . . 7.
•5v " " - The New Life of a Mongolian Na¬
tional Minority in the USSR ... 8.
i
Ja. G. SLAVIK - Book Review ............... 9.
G. PADMORE
1 in charge of Editing.
n i( ii nnnnnitHtt it ti it w h » w h h a * u b i» ii unit wbwhnhnii m »i ii m m it *
NOTICE TO OUR READERS; We beg all our readers to aeknow ",
ledge the receipt of the "NEGRO «
WORKER" in order to ensure future ”
issues. Editors are request to reprint articles ,resolu~ "
r „ * m mtokti xffa* nn. mm* r., .. «. « « «"
Adreas all correspondence to; Mosoow II, Solyanka 12, Profintern.
A
(ifemm of <Mi~ 3bmfofM J&tuma&;
cfhxMu- Unden, the* Bamen, of the JhcL
drvtenmzionat tf &dor Unums !
FORWARD TO THE LONDON INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
UF NEGRO TOILERS 1
On July 1st in London will be convened the first International Con¬
ference of negro toilers The Conference will meet in a historic moment
in the development of Negro liberation struggles, In a period of rising
mass struggles of Negro toilers in all parts of the world against the
brutal yoke of imperialist oppression.
The millions of downtrodden and inhumanly oppressed Negro toilers
in both Africa and the Americas have been definitely drawn into the mael¬
strom of revolutionary ferment at present embracing the toiling messes
of all countries and which is manifested with particular sharpness in the
colonies
In Africa this period has been accompanied by a series of mass re¬
volts breaking out in 'Congo, Nigeria,, Lower Sudan, the strike of the mi¬
litant workers in Gambia the tremendous upsurge of revolutionary natio¬
nal and class struggles in South Africa, revealed in the growing strike
wave among the Ilegro workers, mass political demonstrations, revolutiona¬
ry violation of slave laws imposed by the government of arch reactionary
Boers and British imperialists and in the development of widespread re¬
volutionary boycott movement In the 7est Indies we witnessed the heroio
uprising of the toilers and students of Haiti against the predatory polioy
of American imperialism, strikes in Martinique, Porte Rico and Cuba In
the USA is to be noted an increased political awakening of Negro toilers
as manifested in their active participation In economic strikes and poll- j
tical demonstrations along with the white vorkers, the Lnflux of Negro
'workers into the revolutionary trade unions, etc. The Negro toilers goa¬
ded to desperation by the increased encroachments of the imperialists
upon their already unbearable condl tions are everywhere rising in revo-
lutionaty struggle
Such is the general environment in which the London Conference will
take place,
I. Of tremendous importance at the present time is the question of
leadership, i e 8 conscious direction of these struggles Tho struggles
of the Negro toilers are in the main of a spontaneous and unorganised
character. In many eases the Negro movement is in the hands of the re¬
formists who betray the masses at every step The Conference must lay the
bases for the formation of an international fighting organisation capable
of organising, uniting and conducting the struggles of the Negro toilers
in all parts of the world against imperialism,
2e Of paramount Importance is the question of linking up the strug¬
gles of the Negro tollers with those of the toilers of ether nationalities
and raoes At the present time the struggles of the Negro tollers are
taking place in the main outside of tne influence of and with little or
no connection wi th the international revolutionary labour movement In
this manner the Negro workers are deprived of the assistance of the more
advanced and experienced workers of Europe and America The Negro workers
must become conscious of the fact that their struggles are not the strug¬
gles of the Negroes alone, but that they are an integral part of the revo¬
lutionary upsurge of the toiling masses of all nation iking place in
the present period as a result of the ever deepening cusls of world ca¬
pitalism and the consequent efforts of the imperialists to place the main
burden of the crisis upon the toilers in general The struggles of the
Negro masses are therefore inseparably connected with the deepening revo¬
lutionary ferment among the Indian toilers as manifested in recent strikes
of the Indian textile and railroad workers, the tremendous revival of the
— ■:**> v
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Chinese Revolution, the heroic revolt of the Arabian masses in Palestine
and finally, with the growing revolutionary offensive of the toilers in
the advanced capitalist countries of Europe and America. All of tnese.
struggles are directed against the common foe- imperialism. It is obvious
that the struggles of the Negro toilers cannot be effective they cannot
achieve the maximum results unless consciously linkec up with ^hose of
the toilers of other nations. The united front of imperialist reaction must
be opnosed by the united front of revolutionary struggles. Therefore,
one of the chief tasks of the conference must be the working out of mea¬
sures for concerted action of Negro toilers with the oppressed and ex
ploited toilers of other rsces and nations.
3 >jhe Conference must devote particular attention to the
struggles of the Negro toilers. It must work out plans for the
tion of these struggles. It must wrest the leadership of these
from the reformists whose role is to conduct them into channels
economic
coordina-
s trilogies
of
legality and' agreement wi th the bosses, -‘•he reformist slogan of industrial
peace must be opposed by the slogan of revolutionary struggle for better
living conditions, against rationalisation and speed-up^against^unmploy-
raent and mass lockouts , for
increased wages and the shortening of the
for equal work regardless of race, nation
working day, for equal pay -w, - - ^ - - .
or sex. These struggles must be linked up with the struggle against 1
forms of political oppression and against all forms of s~eve exploitation
such as 'forced labour, neontge , etc. The Conference must v/ork out defi¬
nite plans for the connecting of the struggles of the workers up with
those of the revolutionary peasantry.
The struggles of the Negro masses cannot be conducted properly
as lone- «s the C Negro toilers remain in their present unorganised state.
In all countries they are in the main unorganised and therefore at the ■
mercy of their exploiters. A large percentage of the few unions
workers' organisations existing among them, are in the hands oi reformist
of imperialism. Therefore, the Conference must seriously appro-
question of the organisation of revolutionary trade unions, and
orgeni sa tions amonj the Negro toilers and .the organisational
of the* e up with similar organisations of workers and peasants
nations. The carrying out of this task is at the same time an
lackeys
ach the
peasant
linking
of other
towards consistent leadership of the Negro liberation
devote serious attention
to the question of
national reformism among the Negro toilers,
the imperialist countries by the Social-De-
the British labour Party end its "Left" shield
as well as the Amsterdam International
its counterpart in Negro reformism, which latter
greatest obstacles in the development of the Negro
Negroes in all countries are those
essential step
struggles.
4. The Conference must
combatting the influence of
Reformism as represented in
mocratic parties, including
the Independent Labour Party ;
A.F. of L. , etc , has
presents one of the
liberation struggle.
The carriers of reformism among - — - , . ,
sections of the Negro middle classes and intelligentsia who corrupted
by imperialist bribes and frightened by the growing militancy and class
consciousness of the Negro workers have deserted the Negro liberation
struggles. In this connection suf ice it to mention the ease treachery
of Ka deli who sold out the Industrial Commercial Union of the natwre
toilers of South Africa to the imperialists and the destardly betrayal
of the union of -Sleeping Car Porters in the United States by Randolph,
However, the mosi subtile and therefore the. most dangerous oype
of reformism is Garveyism. Garveyism utilises the feelings of mutual
sympathy which exist between Negro toilers in all parts of the world .y
virtue of their common exploitation and oppression, not in the interest
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to the Negro toilers, but for the purpose of promoting reactionary uto¬
pias of the Negro bourgeoisie. "Back to Africa" means the substitution
of revolutionary struggles of the Ne groat all over the world by the
utopian illusion of a "peaceful return to Africa" and the establishment
of a "free" Negro nation under imperialism. The continued rise of the
Negro liberation movement will serve to drive the representatives of the
above tendencies more and more into the camp of reaction and against the
Negro masses. The Conference must carry out the relentless exposure of
these elements. Only, the Negro workers in cooperation and alliance with
the workers of other nations and races can furnish consistent revolutio¬
nary leadership to the struggles of the Negro masses for immediate de¬
mands and for final liberation.
5. The question of the war danger and the defence of the
Soviet Union assumes particular importance in the present period. The
deepening world crisis sharpens the danger of war among the imperialist
powers and particularly against the Soviet Union the fatherland of the
world's exploited and oppressed.
War to the Negroe masses can only mean the tightening of the
shackles of imperialism upon them.
Therefore, the Conference must give serious attention to this
question. It must lay the basis for the widest propaganda among the
Negro toilers directed towards exposing the sinister war plans of the
imperialists.
The present period is one of tremendous historic importance
for the Negro masses all over the world. Therefore, the London Conferen¬
ce must mark a new era in the development of Negro liberation struggles.
The Negro workers must give the fullest support to this conference . All
proletarian organisations, trade unions, shop groups and committees,
must immediately select delegates to participate in this historic event.
All sympathetic organisations should send their fraternal delegates.
Negro workers forward to the London Conference !
For further information regarding the International Negro Labor Conference
apply to :
James V/. Ford, Chairman.
Beatrice Arskind, Secretary.
International Committee of Negro Workers.
2 West 15th. st. New York City, USA.
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nBHTRBmmrcmmusT rmwnhu-
5HTI0N, FOR THE 2-HOUR WORK DRY !
NATIVE RAILWAYMAN’S STRIKE IN EAST LONDON, SOUTH AFRICA .
———— — — — — — — — — — ———— — — — — — -r— - — — — — — — —
Last January a strike broke out among the native railwaymen
and dockers of East London, one of the ports in South Africa. Although
it was a purely local strike which lasted two weexa , the men being de¬
feated, it was significant for it pointed to the growing class strugg¬
le in South Africa, the radicalisation of the native working masses and
the widening gulf between them and the opportunist leadership who still
control the native TU movement.
Briefly, the history of the strike was as follows: the natives
employed in the port and on the railroad receive only three shillings
a day although most of them have seen many years service. The Indepen¬
dent Union of Commercial and Industrial Employees, which enrolls these
4
workers,
per day.
.-:ers came out
smash the
kers who v/ere
contingents
disturbances,
tea 0,7 the
tar.t natives
Job:. i..j t b;
the trikers
immediately taken to
among the white v/or
J°sde:ra!;d hiZ]r'r v/aSes « of six shillings and six pin,. •
When thiit demand was turned down by the administration the y/oi •
on strike on January 16th. Steps were
strike. Scabs were recruited chiefly from
placed under the protection of strong police and special
Ox ex-3ervioemen organised to suppress the outb .-cal v0x
All kinds of false and misleading rumors were circulo
press, to the effect that the stance had broken down and
as well as white 'workers were only too glad to take the
tii o strikers. But when this campaign brought no results (for
stood ivolidly together); the Government arrested the
Strike
Committee, headed by Gadalie
the leader of the Union. . All the comm-
itee numbers were arrested on the charge of inciting the workers to
violence, which prompted Gadalie, alarmed at the possible consequences
oi‘ such a charge, to call off the strike. He urged the workers to return
to their Jobs and to make collections to defend the arrested men. Cade I o
treachery simply demoralised the strikers' with the result that only a
few men , mostly dockers, continued the fight, the rest returning t
Having already thrown the Union of Commercial and industrial .
Employees into the arms of Amsterdam, Gadalie did his best to keep the
strike within "legal bounds". He used his influence to bind the workers
hand in foot, and stamped out all signs of militancy. All he did was
to threaten that if his conditions were not conceded, he would call a
general strike and organise picketing. Bat he did neither the one , nor
“O
the other. As a matter of fact,
them to go about their business
against any one. He appealed to.
ment demanding that the Governor
creating the impression that the
was an impartial Judge, standing
in his messages to the strikers he told
peacefully and not resort to violence
the bourgeois authorities and to Parlia-
General of South Africa intervene , ‘•hits
representative of British imperial km
above the classes whom the workers could
safely trust with their interests.
But the bourgeoisie gave the workers a taste of the class • •
struggle. They simply, derided all Gadalie1 s appellations and Judicial
niceties, they mobilised the police and the ex-servicemen and recrui¬
ted a sufficient number of scabs. In fact, the Government did not even
deign to reply to Cadalie , haughtily announcing unofficially that the
r tides of the lav/ c.ited by Cadalie apply only to the whites ana net
to the natives. Knowing full well that Gadalie would never put his
threat into effect, the authorities decided to attack. The vhde Strike
Committee was promptly arrested- They succeeded in getting Gadalie ,
immediately after his arrest, to tell the workers that the strike was
ended and that they would have to return to work. No wonder the most
class-conscious section of the workers who supported Cadalie, were dissa¬
tisfied with the turn the movem r:t had taken; They decided to continue
the fight. But this decision proved futile since the -workers ljad already
been demoralise! by Cadalie’s action.
• .The attitude of the other reformist organisations to the strike
is very instructive. The South African Trade Union Congress, the TU
center of the white workers did nothing at all to help the native v/or .
kers. When Gadalie called the Congress that white workers were scabb¬
ing, Andrews, the Secretary of the Congro s, coolly replied that he could
do nothing and that the telegram would be discussed at the next meeting
of the Congress Executive Committee. Amsterdam, too, turned a deaf ear
When the strike started, Cadalie appealed for help to the Amsterdam
International Secretariat and to the Internal ional Transport -Workers" ■
Federation. No reply was received from Amsterdam, while the I.T.F, reques¬
ted* additional information . But when the"add?Zional information" had
been furnished, Cadalie requesting that £. ^00 be forwarded, he got
no reply.
As far as one can judge from the bourgeois press we regret
to say that neither the Communist Party of South Africa, nor the Non
European Trade Union Federation showed any interest in the strike or
took any steps to help the men. The fact that the strikers at the mee
tings v/ere urging that it was time to "cut the cackle" and get down
- 5 -
to business, and that although the position was hopeless many workers
still continued to strike after it had been officially called off, shows
that there is a fine revolutionary spirit, lacking organised expression,
among the rank and file.
Although it was defeated the strike proved a good lesson for
the workers. it unmasked the reformist leadership and exposed bourgeois
legality for what it was. It is a lesson that the workers will do well
to remember during the impending struggles in South Africa with the de¬
velopment of the economic depression.
In South Africa , the objective conditions are very favourable
for the development of a strong revolut ionary movement. The new leader¬
ship of the class unions must put an end to the inaction- and inertia
which have been such a prominent feature in the Federation so far; it is
about time to get down to the organisation of the broad masses of unor¬
ganised workers, giving special attention to the basic industries and
agriculture .
- 00OO00 -
5TRENBHTEN WORKINECLR55 INTER -
NRTWNRL 50LIDRR/TY l
DEFEN J THE MEERUT PRISONERS !
3.y L. Burns ,
On March RO, a year transpires since the thirty-two Indian
proletarian revolutionaries were arrested and imprisoned in Meerut. They
have been charged by the Anglo-Indian authorities with conspiring "to
overthrow the sovereignity of His Majesty the king in British India with
a vi ew to the establishment of a Socialist State unde* the dictatorship
of the proletariat and the supreme command of the Communist International",
These men are charged with endeavouring to achieve their aims by organi¬
sing a communist party, V/orker-Peasants Parties and Revolutionary Trade
Union organisations in india, with a view to embittering relations between
Labour and Capital, by inciting the workers to strikes and by publishing
papers and using every other means of propaganda and egitatlon.' Although
the Meerut Prisoners were arrested a year ago, thoir case has only recen¬
tly been submitted to the Hight Court where it is now being heard without
jurors, despite the continued protests of labour organisations in every
part of the world. A lot of "cooked up" evidence is being used at the
trial. About 400 witnesses, somo coming even from Europe, have been called:
among them are many provocateurs and spies.
It would be hard to overestimate the significance of the Meerut
trial. Like a mirror it reflects the whole political situation in India
today: the intensification of the class struggle, the advance of communist
ideas, the progress of the revolutionary laoor movement, the growing role
of the working class in the national liberation movement, the reactionary
policy of MacDonald’s Imperialist Government, the treachery of the native
bourgeoisie, the united front between the workers of Great Britain and
India and many other developments.
The Meerut trial was "framed up" by the British authorities
to stem the remarcable development of the labour movement which started
in India in 19R7.
Ever since that year the whole of India has beer, swept again
end again by mass strikes. During this struggle the -‘-■eft Revolut it; nr ry
wing became crystallised for the working class trusted it with the leader¬
ship of the struggle and it qui^ckly extended its influence among the
~ G -
* *
working masses. Powerful revolutionary trade unions were came into , exis¬
tence. The working class was beginning to take active part in political
life, demanding not only complete independence f or Indja_^ but__the_ establipji
ment of a Soviet Republic. The revolutionary liberation movement, directly
it was headed by the workers, began to develop rapidly and became more
keen. Brutally exploited by imperialism and feudal landowners, the i-ndian
peasantry slowly began to raise their heads.
Alarmed at the growing threat of revolution, the British impe¬
rialist mobilised all. their forces to crush the revolutionary workers'
movement. Their aim was to smash it before help could arive from the
great reserves of tjle Indian peasantry'; Their first move was therefore to
"rohnd up" the finest leaders of the workers and in this fashion behead
the movement.
Among the arrested men — who belong for the most pert to the
Comunist Party or the Workei -Peasant Parties - there are such popular
figures ac Danae , one of tie leaders of the Revolutionary Union of t;ie
Bombay Textile Workers , the leaders of several revolutionary Bomuay unions,
including the Girni Kamgar Union and the great India Peninsula Railway-
men’s Union. Jo^lekar, Nimbkar and Kiradjkar, as well Kuzaffar Ahmed , the
Chairman of the Worker Peasant Patty of Bengal , Thengdi , Executive Committee
Member of the Trade Union Congress, and many others. Besides the Indian
Comrades charged in i-eerpt, tuere are several representatives of the revo
lutlonsry wing of tue British Trade Union Movement - — BradUgy , Spratt ; ad
Hutchinson, who are also accused of conspiring "to overthrow the soverei¬
gnty of the King Imp ror in British India", This is a clear example of
tne growing ties of solidarity springing up between the workers in the im¬
perialist countries and t e oppressed colonies who are joining forces to¬
day to smash imperialism and capital, their common enemy.
All the men arrested on the Meerut charges were "round up" at
the same time, with the exception of comra ;e Hutchinson, who was arrested
later. On the night of March ^0, when the arrests and searches v/ere made
in Bombay, Calcutta and the other towns, troups were moved into the facto¬
ry districts for the authorities feared possiole "disturbances". Searches
were made everywhere, the comrades who had to be arrested being hunted
dov/n like beasts.
The Meerut trial which began when Baldwins' Conservative
Government was yet in power, is still continuing altough there is a "labour'
Government, with MacDonald at its head, in office to-day. Two other comra¬
des were arrested in connection', with the Meerut Trial. The authorities f
bluntly refused to have the case tried by jury. The prisoners were put on
a far severer regime than previously, while comrade Campbell, the represen¬
tative of the Comunist Party of Great Britain, who intended to be present
at the trial as the political adviser of the arrested men, was refused a
passport to India.
The Indian nationalist bourgeoisie who fear the revolutionary-
working class movement far more than imperialism, completely support all
the terrorist measures instituted by the Anglo-Indian Government and
welcome the present Meerut trial. As a matter of .fact, it is the xndlan
bourgeoisie who are increasingly urging repressions against the labor
movement.
Indeed .the responsibility for the Meerut 'trial must be laid ^
wholly at the door of the reformists- invthe Labour Movement'.’- Together with
fche1 -imperialist s ahd Indian bourgeoisie they have been shouted from the
house-tops that the danger of communism was threatening India. That Moscow
was getting control of the TU Movement , that insurgent elements in the coun¬
try were receiving "Moscow Gold" etc. With their continued lies and misrepre¬
sentation the reformist prepared the ground for the terroristic measures
iaken by the Government.
Having arrested all the leaders of the new Left Wing unions in
accordance with a carefully laid plan, the Government had hoped to disrupt
the whole movement and leave the masses without a leadership when the strugg¬
le was at its height. But all these careful plans fell through for the
- 7
working class of India has reached a stage of development today when
the arrest of a few individual leaders cannot stay the development of
the movement as a whole. A wage of protest trikes, mass demonstrations
and meetings swept the country. This was the workers' reply to the
Meerut "frame up". New leaders from the rani and file, steeled in tne
struggle, came forward to take the place of the arrested leaders. Under
their leadership the working class came out more determinedly and ener
getically against imperialism and "their own" bourgeoisie, and are con-
tinuinr the -Pight at the present time. This is amply borne out by the oig
strikes of iy29-30, whose* political significance could not e well over¬
estimated. Indeed, they show that the working class struggle has been
raised to a higher plane at the present time (witness the -^ive
General Strike of the 100.000 Bombay textile workers in 1929, the Gene¬
ral Strike of 240,000 Calcutta jute workers, the present General Btri
on the Great Indian Peninsula Railway and also the recent mass politic
movements of the working class, the First of May demonstrations, the
Lenin Memorial gatherings and the demonstrations on Independence Day,
January 26, last , etc.). Tv,,,e
Despite the extremely adverse conditions tne working class of India
are putting up a heroic fight. It is the duty of the international labor
movement to support the workers of India in every way.
Now that twelve months have passed and the Meerut prisoners are
still detained, it is the revolutionary duty of the whole international
proletariat to start a broad campaign of protest against the Meerut trial
against the interested parties who are engineering this frame up---Bntlsii
Imperialism and, in particular, the British Labour Party , in ofuce to-
This campaign should not be confined as hitherto, only to xndia and
Great Britain, or be taken up in fits and starts as the months go by.
This campaign must be pushed forward by all the workers in every part
of the world. It must be continued until the Meerut prisoners are relea¬
sed from the clutches of imperialism.
— ooOOoo -
Ufa JHLULeclwiu&tM UUul
Aaaiiut the xjmfwiicilijst iUaa
0 RELIGION UNDER THIS SOVIETS.
The attitude of the Soviet Government to religion is embodied in
the Soviet Constitution formally adopted on 10th July, 1918. The parti¬
cular passages in the constitution relating to religion are as £ ollows
"To ensure for the workers genuine liberty of conscience, the
Church is separated from the State and the school f?ora the Church,
;.'v and freedom of religion and anti-religious propaganda is assured to
every citizen". (Chapter v. , section KxII).
"The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic grants the right
of asylum to all foreigners persecuted for political and religious
offences". (Chapter v. , section ihil. )
How are the provisions of this constitution carried into effect?
First, the State Printing Works are quite impartial as to the religious
and anti-religious material that they print. Large quantities of both
the Bible and the Koran are turned out by the State Printing Works. The
- 8 -
same establishment produces five anti-religious periodicals and seven
religious periodicals.
Russia is notorious for its enormous number of churches. Many of
them have been little used; and as more people turn from religion end the
priest find their supporters fewer and fewer, individual churches fall
into disuse. What is to happen them? Are these buildings to be left to
ruin and decay? I\To. They are turned into*culture houses, or, if they
contain beautiful things , into museums.
No church may be closed for religious purposes unless 90 per cent,
of the people in the vicinity declare their willingness for it to be
closed. And no church has been closed by the, authorities except on this
condition. This condition also applies to church which seriously impede
traffic and require to be demolished .(In this connection it will be well
to remember that a proposal has just been made in London for the demo.7 '
tion of one of the two churches in the Strand for the same purpose , wh
most readers will know of former churches that are now used for commercial
purposes) .
The V/orkers' Government forbids the teaching of religion in schools
or to children under 18 at home. The reason for the first is perfectly
simple. If religious instruction is given , then so must anti-religious
instruction. Such a situation is manifestly absurd.
In a similar way it is absurd to teach children natural science at
school and then allow them to be taught contrary doctrines about Adam and
Sve at home. It is equally absurd to explain natural phenomena (rainbovs,
thunder, etc.) on a scientific basis and allow children to be confused
by super sit ious" explanations" elsewhere. It is desastrous to try and mould
children at school into self —reliant , active and reasoning citizens, and
at home to try and inculcate a philosophy of "God's will" with its atten¬
dant train of abasement, apathy, and blind acceptance.
These are sufficient reasons without taking into account the terr-
iole record of organised religion as an ally and servant of oppression in
the reign of capitalism.
Persons over the age of 16 may receive religious instruction, and
may follow any religion they choose without let or hindrance. In Tsarist
days only one religion - that of the Orthodox Church— r-v/as recognised,
~d other religions suffered in many cases from severe persecution.
If at the present time more and more churches are being closed, it
is not because of increasing persecution, but because more and more people
are turning from religion to the new work of socialist contruction and
.‘c new philosophy of Communism in its real sense.
- ooOOoo -
[Mu- JhurUifr JmM of th& Mftnld,
OctvS&i- ®Uu Bulioum-ub o4s
S&mdlMTL In the *USSR !
the Ifii’V LIFE OF A MONGOLIAN NATIONAL MINORITY.
L , u_ , ’ x
Elista is the new Kalmuck city of the Mongolian steppes, it is a
typical illustration of the world humanity gains when it throws off the
yoke of king and priest and profiteer, before the Bolshevik Revolution
'he Kalmucks, a Mongolian tribe of nomads and cattle dealers, were one of
che most oppressed and backward people of South-East Russia. Now these an¬
cient nomads under tne freedom and guidance of their Communist leaders,
have peopled cities and spread a network of schools over their native
steppes. Where Elista is now being erected a lonely desert stood yesterday.
At present, fine state buildings, schools, universities, hospitals, tele-"
9
.graph and post offices are being built. The* represent the cradle of the
future Socialist culture- — Kalmuck art, science, work and the Joy of
life.
Elista is 315 kilometres from Astrachan, and 300 from Ski ingrad
whore the biggest tractor factory in the world is well on the way of
completion. In a few years Elista will be connected with the whole net¬
work of Soviet-built railroads— one of the gigantic' transport tasks under¬
taken by the Communist architects of the new Soviet system which has al¬
ready changed parts of Russia out of recognition.
A new culture and a new economic life is being created by the
Kalmucks as the walls of El'ista rise. The age-long backwardness and dark¬
ness is oroken , dissipated by the glowing ideas of the devolution which
the bright young generation carry through. Elista, more than many places,
symbolises the liberty and national self-determination which the Communist
Revolution brought to all the Russias. it is the awaxening oi the great
steppes from the sleep of centuries, and proves tne genius gen in s
argument that: "The backward people of the hast will pass by the capitalis¬
tic stage of development and arrive at Communism",
- ooOGoo -
REVIEW.
"THw FUTURE OF THE NEGRO" - By Sir Gordon Gu^gisberg, K.C.I.I. G. and A.G.
Fraser, 1.1. A.
The colonial question in general and the Negro problem in particu¬
lar is receiving more and more attention on the part of various bourgeois
writers. The bourgeois idecLogues feel that imperialist domination, is
seriously threatened by the growing national revolutionary emancipatory
movement or the oppressed peoples and that the victory of this movement
even in some small part of t le world would be cats strophical in its con
sequences for the continued existence of the capital system. Careful o ^si¬
de ration is therefore being given how to avert the crisis and stay the
development of a dangerous movement. Somehold that repressive measures
must be increased and no compromises allowed .Others, consider that con¬
cessions must be made to the upper strata of the native population, winning
their support for capitalism and in this way secure the possibility of
continuing their exploitation of the broad masses of the toilers. The
present book under review is an attempt to give a solution of the Negro
problem in the British African possessions from a liberal point of view,
the author holding that England must in future win the support of the
native oe tty-bourgeoisie .
Beingo prominent official in the British Colonial Ministry, one time
Governor of the Gold Coast and also of British Guinea(he has now resigned
owing to ill-health) ffnggisberg holds that the time is past when the
colonies can be hold by sheer force.
"Governments of to-day arc not blind; they can be trusted to see
that the past has shown that neglect of the people ultimately leads
both to political troubles and to failure in what is called econo¬
mic enterprise".
He therefore considers that the only way out is to educate the
backward African peoples in a spirit that would not only keep them from
trying to fight the domination of the European, but would include them
in the capitalist system making them part of it. According to Guggisberg
this can be achieved by introducing a good educational system for the
Negroes - a system, however, that mur+ be differentiated. Those Negroes
who are to become leaders and exponents .of imperialist policy will have to
be given an university education: the others a secondary education, while
primary schools must be opened for the broad sections of the population
where they will be taught to look up.. to and respect their leaders
The schools must take into consideration all the special features
of any given tribe, its backwardness and its traditions. The most serious
mistake made by the imperialists so far Guggisberg . considers to be the
forcible destruction of the peculiar social structure of the tribes. The
Negroes must be left to change their social customs themselves.
The teaching should be of a practical character , giving the Negro
a better understanding of modern cult ivetion methods and the growth of
tropical plants essential for the industries of the chief capitalist
countries. In this way Guggisberg believes a native intelligentsia and
potty-bourgeoisie will be formed who will be the best guarantee against
the rising storm of revolution and preserve the supremacy of the imperia¬
lists who will be able to continue (very profitably ) to "bear the white
man's burden" of tutelage of the backward .peoples,
Guggisberg points to the USAaau. proof that his method is effective
He considers that in the USA the Negro problem is well on the road of
complete solution thanks to the excellent education system in force in this
country. Considering that the example set by America is worthy of imita¬
tion, Guggisberg, during the first part of his book describes the position
of the American Negro whom he had an opportunity of studying in the Au¬
tumn of 19h7 at the invitation of the Directors of the Phelps-Stokes Fund.
But it is precisely the present position of the American Nee,ro which
shows that Guggisberg' s method will avail the imperialists nothing, that
neither schools nor religious education, will mitigate in any way the bru¬
tal exploitation of the Negro toilers who despite their educated leaders
(upon whose help Guggisberg reckons), will continue to fight imperialism
until it is completely overthrown. Now what has Guggisberg found in America
that buoys him up so much in his optimism? What struck him most favorably
was the fact that you had quite a big petty-bourgeois section, among the
Negroes, He relates that the Negroes already own accumulated wealth to
the tune of £ 400,000,000 - a sum that will continue to increase, and as
money is the derisive factor, in this as in everything, there is no rea¬
son, he argues, why the accumulation of such wealth should not go a long
way to solve the racial problem. True, the Negroes, even the richest and
most educated of then?, should know their place and not try to achieve socla.1
equality, but only political equality.
But this is what the moderate Negro leaders desire themselves , we are
told, and Guggisberg is convinced that the mass of the Negro toilers will
surely give their support to these leaders.- And so, Guggisberg puts all his
hopes on the petty bourgeoisie in the belief that they will give vocal
expression to the desires and aspirations of the Negro masses. The conclu¬
sion he draws, therefore, is that similar petty-bourgeois circles must be
created in Africa and then the development w ill follow the American example.
But, drawing his conclusions from USA experience, Guggisberg over¬
looked one small matter. He failed to notice that it was the Negro workers
and the mass of the Negro peasantry ( increasingly being proletarianised)
who will play the decisive role in solving the Negro problem in the USA.
Eighty per cent of the Negro farmers in the United States are not free¬
holders but tenant-farmers, bound down like serfs to the land belonging
to the white plantation owners. The industrial proletaria t is increasingly
growing among the Negroes with each passing day. More and more of these
workers are being drawn into the revolutionary TU movement and the slogan
being put forward by the Iiegro toilers in the USA today is the revolutiona¬
ry demand of the right of national self-determination and not pe tty -bour¬
geois equality with the preservation of social inequality and national
oppression.
In Africa, too, we have the remarkable development and consolidation
of the revolutionary movement. Recent reports show that revolutionary mo- .
rements have broken out in many different parts of Africa, The future of
the Negro does not lie in the petty bourgeois heaven of meekness and dool
lity but in revolutionary struggle together with all the workers and all
the oppressed peoples the world over to root out once and for all the
system of capitalist exploitation^-JChis future holds out for the Negroes
the real possibility of getting an educati on worthwhile , an education
- 11
that will train the builders of a New order of Society, who will no Ion .
ger be slaves, regarded as being there simply to carry out the ordors or
their whites 'masters'.""
i ■ .
• Ch S 1 a v. i n.
- 00OO00 -
FROM THE REVOLUTIONARY FRONT OF OPPRESSED TOILERS,
The revolts against the oppression by French imperialism of the na¬
tive toilers in French Central Congo, has had its repercussions in the
Belgian Congo. In -Leopoldville , the Capital of the Belgian Congo, 45 nati¬
ves were arrested and charged with spreading revolutionary agitation,
O O
O . s,
In the province of Luzon (Filippino islands) , 30,000 peasant te¬
nants declared a boycott against the purchase of industrial products from
industries owned by the landowners. This is a protest against the recent
increase of land-rent. The boycott includes non-support of the Catholic
Church, because the leaders of this Church are very large landowners and
have raised the rent on land. The government has forbidden all peasant
meetings and demonstrations. The Catholic Bishop has called in armed for¬
ces, against the so-called "Aied Danger" and for the protection of the
interests of the landowning church.
O O
o
Calcutta : Demonstration of 10,0UC native toilers in spite of
- - - police terror. The demonstration was in connection
with "National independence week" which ended on April 13th. Many arres¬
ted made.
O O
O . : ' . .
Birmingham , Alabama (USA) - Negro workers adopted a resolu-
- - - - — — tion denoucing police brutalities against white and
Negro workers in the March 6th; a. .employment demonstration. Meeting v/as
held under auspices of the Trade Union Unity League,
— p-ooOOoo- -
N° 941,
Tr . 350
Collection Number: AD1715
SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS (SAIRR), 1892-1974
PUBLISHER:
Collection Funder:- Atlantic Philanthropies Foundation
Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive
Location:- Johannesburg
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